Check the latest opinion poll trends with the poll tracker, which measures how people say they are going to vote at the next general election.
Analysis by BBC senior political analyst Peter Barnes
4 November 2019
It’s nearly a week now since it became clear that there would be a general election on 12 December.
There have already been eight polls conducted since then – we can expect that from now on they will be coming thick and fast.
Over the last seven days the Conservatives have continued their upward trend in the BBC poll tracker whilst the Brexit Party are still drifting downwards.
There are also some early signs of a recovery for Labour. They’ve hit an average of 26% – their highest figure since the first half of September.
Meanwhile the Liberal Democrats have fallen to 17% – their lowest since the start of June.
These movements are pretty small so far, though, so we will need to see if they continue in the coming days.
Is it all about Brexit?
There’s no doubt that Brexit will be a major issue at this election. But as the campaign gets underway, will other policy areas come to the fore?
Opinium has found that Brexit is a more dominant subject as the campaign gets under way than it was at the last general election.
Forty per cent of people in their latest poll said it was the single issue that was most likely to influence their vote. That compares with 18% at the start of the 2017 campaign.
However, when people were asked to name the three most important issues facing the country, 59% of respondents identified health/NHS compared to only 52% for the EU/Brexit.
That’s a shift compared to their recent polls where Brexit has come out on top or in equal first place.
It’s possible that by campaigning on non-Brexit issues the parties will be able to influence how much weight voters give to different subjects.
Panelbase’s latest poll also puts the NHS/health as the top issue.
On the other hand, Deltapoll have Britain leaving the EU clearly ahead of health. The difference here could be explained by the fact they don’t namecheck the NHS in their range of options.
28 October 2019
The last few weeks have seen a gradual, further strengthening of the Conservatives’ position in the polls.
In the latest poll by Opinium they hit 40% – the highest figure in a single poll since the middle of August. They’ve also moved up to an average of 36% in the BBC poll tracker.
In the meantime, the Liberal Democrats have fallen away a little from their party conference highpoint to settle at that 18%-ish level they’ve occupied for much of the autumn while the Brexit Party continue to drift downwards.
Labour’s average rating has essentially stayed flat.
Because voting intention polls are fairly scarce in Scotland, it’s difficult to identify trends. But the latest Panelbase poll conducted earlier this month suggests that the SNP continues to dominate.
Comparing polls to the 2017 general election result suggests Labour and the Conservatives are on course to lose votes, the SNP are roughly level with where they were, whilst the Lib Dems could gain votes.
The SNP’s share in polls has floated between 36% and 43% for the last two years.
In our GB-wide poll tracker, that translates to 4%, occasionally dropping to 3% or rising to 5% since Scotland has just under 10% of the GB population.
That’s why we don’t suggest a margin of error range as we do for parties that field candidates across the whole of Great Britain.
Polls are even rarer in Wales – but the latest from YouGov, also conducted earlier this month, broadly matches others from earlier in the year.
The Conservatives are down from their 2017 election share but Labour has fallen back much more dramatically. From the 49% they achieved then, their share of the vote has approximately halved according to polls.
The Lib Dems are up sharply and the Brexit Party are performing far more strongly than UKIP did when voters last had their say.
Produced by Irene de la Torre Arenas, Debie Loizou, Becky Rush, Steven Connor, Tom Francis-Winnington, Alexander Ivanov, Felix Stephenson, Robert Cuffe, John Walton and Ed Lowther
The dates in the table above show the final day of fieldwork for each poll.
Previous update from Peter Barnes – 4 October 2019
Last week was undoubtedly another dramatic one in British politics.
The Supreme Court ruled that the prime minister had acted unlawfully by suspending Parliament for five weeks. And the House of Commons was the scene of some the most ill-tempered debates anyone can remember.
On top of that, Labour’s party conference saw rows about the future of deputy leader Tom Watson and Brexit policy.
And Boris Johnson found himself facing allegations that he had acted improperly during his time as Mayor of London by giving favourable treatment to his ‘close friend’ Jennifer Arcuri.
However, there’s very little sign that any of this has had much impact on voting intention polls.
There is perhaps a little more evidence that the Conservatives have fallen back a bit from their high point a few weeks ago, but it’s only a small movement.
One ComRes poll put them neck-and-neck with Labour on 27% – the first time they’ve not had a lead since Mr Johnson became prime minister.
But that poll’s results included people who are very unlikely to vote on an equal footing with those who will vote.
It’s an interesting result but doesn’t feature in our poll tracker.
We use analyses that down-weight answers from those who are unlikely to vote and those figures aren’t available from that poll.
The Liberal Democrats have ticked up one point to 20 in our averages, and there’s been another YouGov poll which puts them in second place.
More noteworthy have been polls asking people to rate the party leaders.
Ipsos Mori’s leader satisfaction ratings go back to 1977. Their September poll has Jeremy Corbyn on the lowest net score of any opposition leader since their series began.
16% of people say they’re satisfied with the way he’s doing his job compared with 76% who say they’re dissatisfied – a net score of -60.
All the pollsters who regularly ask this sort of question have Boris Johnson outperforming Mr Corbyn in terms of satisfaction, favourability or approval. His net score with Ipsos Mori is -18.
However, looking at attitudes about Mr Johnson more widely, and in historical context, they’re not terribly encouraging.
Compared to previous leaders, his score is low for a prime minister at the beginning of their time in office – far worse than Theresa May’s for example. And satisfaction in the government is extremely low: just 14% are satisfied whilst 81% are dissatisfied.
YouGov polls also suggest that Mr Johnson is scoring lower for competence, honesty and being a strong leader than at the beginning of September.
Previous update from Peter Barnes – 20 September 2019
As our poll tracker graph shows, after a year and a half of only gradual movement, the period since February has been pretty tumultuous – perhaps reflecting what has been going on in politics.
The creation of the new Change UK Party – since renamed The Independent Group for Change (or TIGfC in our chart) – and then The Brexit Party had a major impact.
Added to this has been a sustained increase in support for the Liberal Democrats and a clear boost for the Conservatives after Boris Johnson replaced Theresa May as prime minister in July.
That is just the picture in Britain-wide polls. In Scotland, we have less evidence to go on, but it seems as though the political drama has resulted in a rise in support for the SNP, as well as the Lib Dems, at the expense of the Conservatives and Labour.
Polls over the last week have been good for the Liberal Democrats, even taking into account the strong year they’ve had. The party seems to be a few points higher now than it was at the start of the month.
They will hope that the improvement is a consequence of their new policy on Brexit – a promise to revoke Article 50 if they win a majority at the next general election.
However, it could just be a conference bounce.
It is fairly common during party conference season for each party to see their numbers boosted immediately after their turn in the sun. Often though, this fades away within a couple of weeks and things go back to roughly where they were before.
We will have to wait and see if that happens this time.
Mind the gap
It is always important to treat polling figures with caution, but at the moment there is an additional reason for concern: more variation between the different polling companies than normal.
This month, there have been cases where two polls published on the same day have wildly different figures – for example, the Conservatives on 28% in one poll, but 37% in another.
Clearly, in an election those two different vote shares would mean dramatically different outcomes in terms of the make-up of the House of Commons. So any attempt to read off from current polls to the expected election result would be foolhardy.
Nobody really knows why the variation is so large. Some of it is probably down to differences between how each company analyses their raw polling data, but it’s hard to see how that can be the whole story given the size of the gaps.
Methodology: How was the poll tracker chart put together?
What is a poll tracker?
Our poll tracker lines show an average of results from the polls to date.
Each dot in the chart above shows one poll result for a party.
There are too many individual dots to keep track of: even on one day there can be very different results for one party from different polls.
So we summarise all that information with a line that averages those results.
It bounces around less and makes it easier to tell the signal from the noise (or the trends from the blips?).
Which polls do we use?
We use polls conducted by members of the British Polling Council.
As of September 2019, that’s BMG, ComRes, Deltapoll, Hanbury, ICM, Ipsos Mori, Kantar, Opinium, ORB, Panelbase, Sky Data, Survation and YouGov.
Most of the polls included cover Great Britain, although some do poll the whole of the UK, but as a result we do not have separate data for parties that only stand in Northern Ireland.
We use results that exclude or downweight those who are unlikely to vote and people who do not express a preference.
We include data that are in the public domain: some polling companies will not publish all data for all parties at the same time and so we update the poll tracker as data become available.
What is the margin of error?
The margin of error is plus or minus four percentage points.
This means that there’s a 90% chance that an election held tomorrow would give national vote shares within four points of our estimates for each of the parties.
And there’s a 10% chance that it would be outside that range. We base these figures on a British Polling Council analysis of the results of the final set of polls before each of the elections from 2001 to 2017.
What about parties that only campaign in Scotland or Wales?
The approach mentioned above doesn’t quite work for parties that only run in Scotland or Wales. The electorate they are appealing to is smaller and this makes their possible vote smaller when it is projected across Great Britain or the whole of the UK.
This also means that their margin of error is smaller than that of those parties that stand across Britain and is likely to be less than + / – 1%.
How do we average the polls?
Our estimate of a party’s support is a rolling average of polls to date. Bigger and more recent polls have more influence on our figures.
We also limit the influence of any one poll or of those polling firms who poll very frequently to prevent our results being too dependent on one source.
In a little more detail: the average is weighted by sample size. The more people polled in a particular survey, the more weight we will give it, up to a threshold of 2,000 people.
On the other hand, the older a poll is the less influence it has on the average figure we calculate. We also give less value to any polling firm that has data for more than 5,000 people in a fortnight. A typical poll may cover about 1,000 people.
Why is there a margin of error?
Because a party isn’t guaranteed to get the same vote share in an election as it did in a poll the previous day.
Polling a sample of the population has often been likened to tasting soup. If the soup has been well stirred then you need to have only one spoonful to get a sense of what the whole bowl is like.
In the same way, a well-conducted poll of 1,000 people can, most of the time, give us an idea of what the country as a whole is thinking.
But it’s not 100% precise, so, the margin of error gives a sense of how the results might change with a different sample of 1,000 people.
This margin of error only applies to national vote share: converting that into seats in Parliament is much harder and less precise.
Why do polling companies give such different answers?
There are also systematic differences between polling companies who approach people in different ways, who ask different questions and who analyse the results differently.
We list the main polling firms and the questions they ask below. Polling companies also analyse their data differently. They make choices about how to weight each respondent.
For example, if a poll of 1,000 people is made up of 550 men and 450 women, it is unrepresentative because it does not reflect the profile of the UK population (51% female).
So the answers of female respondents should be given slightly more weight than male respondents in the analysis so that the final results are 51% based on female answers rather than 45%.
That’s not controversial, but adjusting for past vote or likelihood to vote is harder. Some pollsters ask respondents who they voted for last time and weight the sample to try and ensure it matches the political make-up of the general population.
One problem with doing this is that a certain number of people will incorrectly recall who they voted for last time – and a few will even lie about it. So polling companies often use a variety of further methods to improve the accuracy of their weighting.
That variety of methods leads to a variety of answers. Most companies then weight or filter by likelihood to vote so that the answers of people who are most likely to vote are given the most prominence in the results.
Finally, several pollsters reallocate a percentage of “don’t knows” to the party they voted for last time. This is to get around the problem that emerged following the 1979 election with the phenomenon of “shy Tories” or the “spiral of silence” – people who do not want to discuss their voting preference but who will still vote.
Our approach, excluding “don’t knows” from our polltracker, is slightly different.
It is like saying that they won’t vote or, if they did, their voting preferences would look quite like those who do express a preference.
Questions asked by each pollster:
If a general election were held today, which of the following parties would you vote for?
Conservative, Labour, Liberal Democrat, SNP (if living in Scotland), Plaid Cymru (if living in Wales), Green Party, Brexit Party, another party
Prior to August 2019, Green Party and Brexit Party were only prompted for if the respondent answered “another party”. Following a randomised controlled trial, BMG decided to move those two parties into the main prompt list. The Independent Group for Change and UKIP remain in the secondary prompt list.
If there were a (UK) general election tomorrow to elect MPs to Westminster, would you vote Conservative, Labour, Liberal Democrat, Brexit Party, SNP, Plaid Cymru, or for another party?
If there were a general election held tomorrow, which party would you vote for? SELECT ONE: Conservative, Labour, Liberal Democrat, UK Independence Party (UKIP), Scottish National Party (SNP), Plaid Cymru (PC), Brexit Party, Green, Some other party
If a general election is held in October before the Brexit deadline of 31 October, which party would you vote for?
If there were a general election tomorrow, which party would you vote for?
How would you vote if there were a general election tomorrow?
Voting intention for next general election – online pre-coded list: Conservative, Labour, Liberal Democrats, UKIP, Green, SNP, Plaid Cymru
- Note: Brexit Party and The Independent Group for Change were not included in the pre-coded list but respondents had opportunity to select subsequently
If there were a general election tomorrow, for which party would you vote?
If there were an election tomorrow, which party would you vote for?
Labour Party, Conservative Party, Brexit Party, Liberal Democrat, The Independent Group, UKIP, Green Party, SNP, DUP, Plaid Cymru, Sinn Fein, Ulster Unionist Party, Women’s Equality Party.
Who would you vote for if a UK Parliamentary election took place tomorrow?
Conservative, Labour, Liberal Democrat, The Brexit Party, SNP, Green, Change UK (The Independent Group), UKIP, Other.
If there was a general election tomorrow and candidates for all parties were standing in your constituency, including the new “Independent Group” of former Labour MPs who have split from the Labour Party, how would you vote? Conservatives, Labour, Independent Group, Liberal Democrats, Other, UKIP, Green Party, SNP, Plaid Cymru
Respondents were asked who they would be most likely to vote for if that election were tomorrow, with the responses “Labour”, “Conservative”, “Liberal Democrat” prompted in a randomising order, and other parties displayed if respondents selected “Another Party”.
If there were a general election held tomorrow, which party would you vote for?
Conservative, Labour, Liberal Democrat, Scottish National Party (SNP), Plaid Cymru, Brexit Party, Green, Some other party (if this answer selected then respondents are prompted the following: UK Independence Party (UKIP), Women’s Equality Party, Independent Group for Change).